Composition, Story, Characters, Ideas

Dramatic Structure

Composition, Story, Characters, Ideas

1. What is the film (really) about (Idea, Message, Thought)?

2. What are the major (social) issues in the film (Themes)?

3. Did the film feel the right length or was it too long (Form and Meaning)? (Storytelling has problems?)

4. Were there any parts that were unclear or puzzling? (Itemize those you suspect. Dramatic analysis of composition in details).

5. Which parts felt slow (Composition: begining, middle, end — compare plot and story)?

6. Which parts were moving or otherwise successful and why?

7. What did you feel about _______________ (name of character)?
Conflict, inner conflict, moral choices, etc.

8. What did you end up knowing about ________ (situation or issue)?


CINEMATOGRAPHY (CAMERA WORK)

ASSESSING EDITING

1. Do action match cuts flow smoothly?

2. Is screen direction maintained?

3. Have the locale is revealed to a first-time viewer?

4. Is the environment fully utilized by the characters and thus made active in the drama?

5. Is it apparent on-screen when a character changes body position?

6. Are convincing dialogue rhythms maintained, even when a cut takes place in the middle of a sentence?

7. Have you full exploited eye-line shifts?

8. Have you fully expanded moments of significant action and charged silences?

9. Do changes of scene rhythm occur convincingly with changes in characters’ perceptions, thought patterns, and actions?

10. Does the scene breathe (either moving us close or distancing us where psychologically necessary, switching us between subjective and objective camera positions for variety?)

11. Does the way you have shot and cut the material convey a point of view (that is, effectively reveal the state of mind of the main character)?

12. Are there any redundancies (of dialogue, action, angle, etc.)?

13. What does the scene imply about back-story and what might come after?


1. USE OF CAMERA

1. Does the camera follow the movement of a character?

2. Does it lay out a landscape or a scene geography for the audience?

3. Does the camera move away from someone or something so we see more objectively?

4. Does the camera reveal significant information by moving?

5. Is the move really a reframing to accommodate a rearrangement of characters?

6. Is the move a reaction (panning to a new speaker, for instance)?

7. When do we directly experience a character’s POV?

8. What is the dramatic justification? To accommodate subject matter? To make you see a certain way?


2. USE OF SOUND

1. Complimenting camera position?

2. Counterpointing camera perspective?

3. Uniformly intimate (voice-over, for instance)?

4. To build atmosphere and mood?

5. As punctuation?

6. To motivate a cut? (next sequence’s sound rises until we cut to it)

7. As a narrative devise? (dramatic sound)

8. To build, sustain, or defuse tension?

9. To provide rhythm?

10. To create uncertainty?


3. CUTS (What motivates each cut?)

1. Is there an action match to carry the cut?

2. Is there a compositional relationship between the two shots that makes the cut interesting and worthwhile?

3. Is there a movement relationship that carries the cut?

4. Does someone leave the frame (making us want to see a new frame)?

5. Does someone/something fill the frame, blanking it out and permitting a cut to another frame that starts blanked and then clears?

6. Does someone or something enter the frame and demand closer attention?

7. Are we cutting to follow someone’s eye-line, to see what they see?

8. Is there a sound, or a line, that demands that we see the source?

9. Are we cutting to show the effect upon a listener and what defines the moment to cut?

10. Are we cutting to a speaker at a particular moment that is visually revealing? What defines that moment?

11. If the cut intensifies our attention, what justifies that?

12. If the cut relaxes and objectifies our attention, what justifies that?

13. Is the cut to a parallel activity (that is, something going on simultaneously)?

14. Is there some sort of comparison or irony being set up through juxtaposition?

15. Are we cutting to a rhythm?


What is the relation of sounds to images?

1. Does it help identify the new image?

2. Does it give it a particular emphasis or interpretation?

3. Is the effect expected or unexpected?

4. Is there a deliberate contradiction?


Where and how is music used?

1. How is it initiated? (characters or story begin some kind of motion, action, emotion).

2. What does the music suggest by its texture, instrumentation, etc.?

3. How is it finished? (characters/story arrive at new location, the change)

4. What comment is it making? (ironic, sympathetic, lyrical, POV)

SOPHOCLES (C. 497 – 406 B.C.)

SOPHOCLES (C. 497 – 406 B.C.)

 

The following biography was originally published in The Tragic Drama of the Greeks. A.E. Haigh. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1896. pp. 126-37

SOPHOCLES was born in the autumn of 497 [B.C.], twenty-eight years after Aeschylus. His father Sophillus, though not of aristocratic descent, was a rich man, his wealth being derived from the ownership of slaves employed in various manufactures. The deme to which the family belonged was Colonus, a village to the north-west of Athens, and about a mile distant from the city. It was here that Sophocles passed his boyhood; and the affection with which he always continued to regard his early home finds beautiful expression in the Oedipus Coloneus, the latest of his tragedies, in which he dwells with tender recollection upon the charms of that “white Colonus,” where the nightingale ever sings in the green glades amid the ivy and the vine, where the narcissus and the golden crocus bloom, and where the sleepless fountains of Cephisus wander over the swelling bosom of the land.

He was educated with great care, according to the old Greek system, in which music, dancing, and gymnastics training played an important part. His instructor was Lamprus, a celebrated musician of the period, and a supporter of the antique and dignified style of music, as opposed to the more florid manner which was then being introduced. In these various exercises Sophocles displayed his pre-eminence from the very first; and the beauty of his form and his skill in dancing and in music were so conspicuous, that when, after the defeat of the Persians, a chorus of boys was chosen to sing a paean round the trophy of victory, he was selected to lead the chorus, and to play the accompaniment on the harp.

Tradition says that he “learnt tragedy from Aeschylus”; but as there is no trace of any personal relationship between the two poets, it is probable that the phrase refers merely to that general influence which Aeschylus would naturally exert over his successors. Nothing further is known about the life of Sophocles till the occasion of his first appearance as a tragic poet in 468 [B.C.]. He was then twenty-eight years of age, and Aeschylus, now in the height of his reputation, was one of his competitors. According to the usual story, the contest which ensued was a remarkable one. It is said that the excitement and partisanship among the audience reached such a pitch of violence that Apsephion, the archon, instead of appointing the judges by lot in the usual manner, ordered the ten generals, one of whom was Cimon, to act as jury in their place, and that they awarded the prize to Sophocles. As to the victory of Sophocles there is no doubt. But the circumstances by which it is said to have been attended are so full of inherent improbability, that it is difficult to regard them as anything but fiction, invented by later biographers, in order to give point and significance to the first encounter between two great poets.

After his victory in 468 the career of Sophocles as a tragic poet was one of continuous success. He retained his productive powers in full perfection long beyond the span usually allotted to mankind, and continued for about sixty years to write and produce tragedies in which no signs of failing genius could be detected. Like Aeschylus he appears to have exhibited, on average, every alternate year, and was generally first in the competitions, winning eighteen victories at the City Dionysia, besides several other victories at the less important Lenaea. Even when he failed to obtain the first prize, he was never placed lower than second on the list. The most surprising of his defeats was that by Philocles, on the occasion of his production of the Oedipus Tyrannus. But it is possible that in this contest Philocles was competing, not with his own tragedies, but with those of his uncle Aeschylus; and in this case the failure of Sophocles would be less inexplicable. The total number of his plays is given variously by the ancient authorities as 104, 123, and 130. The first of these numbers, however, appears to be too small, since the titles of more than 110 dramas have been preserved even to the present day.

Few poets have lived through a more eventful period of history than Sophocles. His career coincided almost exactly with the rise, the maturity, and the downfall of the Athenian Empire. As a boy he was present at the rejoicings for the great victories of Salamis and Plataea, and witnessed the subsequent expansion of his country’s power. His manhood was passed during that golden age of Attic history, the age of Pericles, in which Athens reached the summit of her glory and influence. Yet he lived long enough after this to behold the miserable collapse of the Sicilian expedition, and the wreck of Athenian aspirations; and his death occurred only a few months before the final catastrophe of Aegospotami.

In many of the events of this great period he took a personal share, though at the same time, as his friend Ion of Chios confesses, he showed no particular aptitude for political life. Yet he was twice elected general — the highest office which an Athenian could hold. The first occasion was in 440, when he was sent along with Pericles to suppress the revolt in Samos, and was laughingly rebuked by the latter for his apparent carelessness in the discharge of his duties. At a later period he again served as general with Nicias, but though first in point of seniority, was content to occupy a subordinate position, remarking that, if he was oldest in years, Nicias was oldest in experience. In addition to his military commands he was also appointed treasurer of the tribute in 436, and acted as ambassador on several occasions. Possibly he may have held other offices of which no record has been preserved. But the supposition that he was the Sophocles who served on the Committee of Ten, and took part in the establishment of the Four Hundred, is more than doubtful.

In spite, however, of his connection with public affairs, there is no trace of the statesman in the writings of Sophocles; and the serene idealism of his tragedy is never ruffled by the intrusion of contemporary politics. It would be impossible, in any of his extant dramas, to point to a single passage which can be regarded as a direct allusion to passing events. The maxims concerning government which he occasionally enunciates are of the most general description. Hence it is vain to discuss the question of his political opinions, or to endeavour to ascertain whether he welcomed or regretted the great movements of the time, such as the growth of the democracy, and the imperial policy of Pericles. Even if he held decided views on these subjects, there are now no means of discovering them.

Besides the offices already mentioned, Sophocles also appears to have discharged certain priestly functions in connection with the worship of Asclepius; and the paean which he composed in honour of this deity was very famous in antiquity, and continued to be sung at Athens as late as the third century A.D. He was also priest of Alcon, the Attic hero, and companion of Asclepius; and after his death a statue of Alcon was erected by one of his sons. Whence it is a plausible conjecture that this worship of Alcon and Asclepius was an old hereditary cultus in the family.

The reverence with which he treated the traditional religion of the Greeks is proved, not only by the above facts, but also by the general tenor of his dramas; and the scholiast discribes him as “the most god-fearing of mankind.” Popular superstition loved to regard him as a special favourite of heaven, and to invest his life and character with a sort of religious glamour. He was supposed to have “entertained” Asclepius in his own house — a supposition which may perhaps have arisen from some passage in the paean, in which with a poet’s fancy he represented the god as appearing visibly before him. However this may be, after his death the Athenians worshipped him as a hero, under the title of “The Entertainer,” and built a shrine in his honour, where they offered yearly sacrifices. They also ascribed to him the power of charming baneful winds into stillness, and told several stories of his close connection with the gods. Thus when a golden crown had been stolen from the temple of Hercules, the place of its concealment was revealed to him in a vision. And when he died, and the Athenians were unable to bury him in his ancestral tomb outside the city, because of the presence of the Spartan army, [according to legend] the god Dionysus appeared in person to Lysander, and charged him to give permission for the burial.

Sophocles was married to a wife named Nicostrata, by whom he became the father of Iophon. Somewhat late in life he formed a connection with a certain Theoris, a woman of Sicyon, by whom he had a son called Ariston. Three other sons are mentioned by name, but nothing is known about them. It is also said that in extreme old age he fell into the clutches of the courtesan Archippe, whom he made heiress of his property; but this statement, which depends on very dubious authority, is discredited by the fact that it was not permissible in law for an Athenian to disinherit his children.

No incident in the career of Sophocles is more widely celebrated than the charge supposed to have been brought against him in his old age by his son Iophon. It is said that Iophon was jealous of the favour which he showed towards his illegitimate offspring, and accused him of mental incapacity, in order to get the administration of his property taken out of his hands. Sophocles, to prove his sanity, proceeded to recite a portion of the Oedipus Coloneus, which he had recently composed. The jury, struck with admiration, acquitted him on the spot.

This story is so striking and picturesque, that everyone would wish to believe in its authenticity. But the evidence against it is too strong to be resisted. In the first place there is considerable discrepancy as to the nature of the charge. According to some accounts it was merely an informal complaint before the “clansmen”; according to others it was a regular prosecution in the law courts. Then again, the testimony of contemporary authors is inconsistent with the supposition that the last years of Sophocles were clouded by legal disputes with his son Iophon. Phrynicus, the comic poet, describes him as a “fortunate man, who died happily, after encountering no evil”; and Aristophanes tells us that he continued, as long as he lived, to assist his son Iophon in the composition of his tragedies. Moreover Iophon, in the inscription which he placed upon his father’s tomb, mentioned as one of his greatest achievements the fact that he had written the Oedipus Coloneus when he was nearly a hundred years old. But if the story of the prosecution were true, he would hardly have gone out of his way, in writing his father’s epitaph, to refer to that identical tragedy by which his charge had been refuted.

The whole narrative, therefore, is apparently devoid of foundation. Some critics suggest that it was derived from a scene in an old comedy, in which Sophocles and his son were exhibited in contention. Perhaps, however, the key to its origin may be found in that passage of the Life, which states that Sophocles, in one of his dramas, introduced Iophon accusing him of madness before the clansmen. It is possible that this drama was the Oedipus Coloneus, and that the violent scene between Polyneices and Oedipus was taken by some ancient grammarian to represent the relationship between Sophocles and his own son, and so gave rise to the story about the trial. If this was the origin of the fiction, it would account for the manner in which the Oedipus Coloneus is invariably mixed up with it. At first sight the above explanation may appear far-fetched and improbable; but it is not inconsistent with the practice of the ancient biographers, as [one may] see … in the case of Euripides, the story of whose career has been diversified in more than one place by incidents derived from his own tragedies.

As the poet Phrynicus truly observed, Sophocles was one of the most fortunate of mankind, not only on account of his poetic fame, but also because of the serene prosperity of his life. He is described as a man of tranquil and contented temperament; and the well-known story in Plato represents him as rejoicing in his old age at having escaped from the tyranny of sensual passions. The same calmness of disposition rendered him averse to change, and he never left Athens, though frequently invited to do so by foreign princes. The generosity of his mind, and his freedom from all petty feelings of jealousy, are exemplified in the Frogs, where he concedes the supremacy of Aeschylus without a murmur. As to his relations with Euripides very little is known. Several anecdotes, mostly of a puerile nature, were retailed by later writers, implying the existence of a certain mean rivalry between the two poets. But these stories possess no historical value; and the admiration which he felt for the genius of Euripides was manifested, after the latter’s death, by his appearing in the theatre, along with his actors and chorus, in the garb of mourning.

Owing to the charm of his character he was universally beloved. In society, as Ion of Chios relates, he was always witty and agreeable; and the friendliness of his disposition caused him to found a sort of literary club at Athens. An interesting picture of his manners in ordinary life has been preserved in an extract from the Memoirs of Ion. The passage contains an account of a banquet held in Chios, at which Sophocles was present; and describes, among other things, a literary discussion with a certain schoolmaster, who had objected to the propriety of the epithet “purple,” as applied to cheeks; and whom Sophocles playfully refuted by quoting the analogy of phrases such as “golden-haired” and “rosy-fingered,” which would appear equally unsuitable if taken in too literal a sen
se.

Sophocles died in the autumn of 406, when more than ninety years of age. All that is known concerning the manner of his death is the statement of his contemporary Phrynicus, that he was “fortunate in death, as he had been fortunate in life.” The inventiveness of later ages produced various anecdotes on the subject. Some said he was choked by eating grapes sent him by the actor Callippides at the time of the Anthesteria; others said that, when reading Antigone aloud, he killed himself by trying to deliver a long sentence without taking a breath; others again ascribed his death to excessive joy at the success of his Antigone in competition. But these stories hardly need refutation. He was buried, as already stated, in the family tomb on the way to Deceleia, about a mile from Athens, and over his tomb the figure of a siren was erected.

Two portraits of Sophocles are known to have existed in ancient times — the painting in the Stoa, in which he was represented as playing the harp, and which was probably the work of the fifth century; and the bronze statue erected in the theatre towards the close of the fourth. In modern times several busts have been discovered, and also a splendid marble statue. The statue is said by experts to exhibit the characteristics of the age of Alexander the Great, and may possibly be an original work of that period, or may be copied from the bronze likeness in the theatre. It is a magnificent work of art, and though somewhat idealized, after the fashion of the time, probably represents the features of the poet with general fidelity. The beauty of the face and figure, the graceful dignity of the posture, and the serene yet masterful character of the expression, correspond exactly with what we should expect to find in a likeness of Sophocles.

The following essay was originally published in Minute History of the Drama. Alice B. Fort & Herbert S. Kates. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1935. p. 16.

Of the plays [of Sophocles] presented at contests only the seven selected for study and general reading of the ancient schools survive. The Oedipus Rex (or Tyrannus) is a supreme example of unconscious irony and is regarded as the perfection of Greek tragedy. Oedipus at Colonus (his last tragedy), Electra, and Antigone, also rate high and were most popular on the Attic stage. The remaining three–Ajax, Trachiniae, and Philoctetes–are good but not so well known.

Sophocles’ greatness as a dramatic writer consisted not so much in his inventiveness as in his development and rounding out of the dramatic form brought into being by Thespis and Aeschylus. He added the third actor and thus pronounced the doom of the chorus as an element of prime importance in Greek tragedy.

In the works of Aeschylus, the moralist often overshadows the dramatist; in those of Sophocles, dramatic interest always holds first place. His plays are outstanding for their smoothness of plot, the nobility of the characters and the graceful charm of the lyrics. In a sense they might be said to mirror the serenity of the poet’s own life. He had a tranquil and contented temperament and a generous spirit free from petty jealousies. He was witty, agreeable, and fond of people and his mind was keen and active right up to the time of his death at the age of 91.

SOPHOCLES RESOURCES

 

THE THEATRE OF THE ABSURD: THE WEST AND THE EAST

THE THEATRE OF THE ABSURD
THE WEST AND THE EAST
I. The West

‘The Theatre of the Absurd’ is a term coined by the critic Martin Esslin for the work of a number of playwrights, mostly written in the 1950s and 1960s. The term is derived from an essay by the French philosopher Albert Camus. In his ‘Myth of Sisyphus’, written in 1942, he first defined the human situation as basically meaningless and absurd. The ‘absurd’ plays by Samuel Beckett, Arthur Adamov, Eugene Ionesco, Jean Genet, Harold Pinter and others all share the view that man is inhabiting a universe with which he is out of key. Its meaning is indecipherable and his place within it is without purpose. He is bewildered, troubled and obscurely threatened.

The origins of the Theatre of the Absurd are rooted in the avant-garde experiments in art of the 1920s and 1930s. At the same time, it was undoubtedly strongly influenced by the traumatic experience of the horrors of the Second World War, which showed the total impermanence of any values, shook the validity of any conventions and highlighted the precariousness of human life and its fundamental meaninglessness and arbitrariness. The trauma of living from 1945 under threat of nuclear annihilation also seems to have been an important factor in the rise of the new theatre.

At the same time, the Theatre of the Absurd also seems to have been a reaction to the disappearance of the religious dimension form contemporary life. The Absurd Theatre can be seen as an attempt to restore the importance of myth and ritual to our age, by making man aware of the ultimate realities of his condition, by instilling in him again the lost sense of cosmic wonder and primeval anguish. The Absurd Theatre hopes to achieve this by shocking man out of an existence that has become trite, mechanical and complacent. It is felt that there is mystical experience in confronting the limits of human condition.

As a result, absurd plays assumed a highly unusual, innovative form, directly aiming to startle the viewer, shaking him out of this comfortable, conventional life of everyday concerns. In the meaningless and Godless post-Second-World-War world, it was no longer possible to keep using such traditional art forms and standards that had ceased being convincing and lost their validity. The Theatre of the Absurd openly rebelled against conventional theatre. Indeed, it was anti-theatre. It was surreal, illogical, conflictless and plotless. The dialogue seemed total gobbledygook. Not unexpectedly, the Theatre of the Absurd first met with incomprehension and rejection.

One of the most important aspects of absurd drama was its distrust of language as a means of communication. Language had become a vehicle of conventionalised, stereotyped, meaningless exchanges. Words failed to express the essence of human experience, not being able to penetrate beyond its surface. The Theatre of the Absurd constituted first and foremost an onslaught on language, showing it as a very unreliable and insufficient tool of communication. Absurd drama uses conventionalised speech, clichés, slogans and technical jargon, which is distorts, parodies and breaks down. By ridiculing conventionalised and stereotyped speech patterns, the Theatre of the Absurd tries to make people aware of the possibility of going beyond everyday speech conventions and communicating more authentically. Conventionalised speech acts as a barrier between ourselves and what the world is really about: in order to come into direct contact with natural reality, it is necessary to discredit and discard the false crutches of conventionalised language. Objects are much more important than language in absurd theatre: what happens transcends what is being said about it. It is the hidden, implied meaning of words that assume primary importance in absurd theatre, over an above what is being actually said. The Theatre of the Absurd strove to communicate an undissolved totality of perception – hence it had to go beyond language.

Absurd drama subverts logic. It relishes the unexpected and the logically impossible. According to Sigmund Freud, there is a feeling of freedom we can enjoy when we are able to abandon the straitjacket of logic. In trying to burst the bounds of logic and language the absurd theatre is trying to shatter the enclosing walls of the human condition itself. Our individual identity is defined by language, having a name is the source of our separateness – the loss of logical language brings us towards a unity with living things. In being illogical, the absurd theatre is anti-rationalist: it negates rationalism because it feels that rationalist thought, like language, only deals with the superficial aspects of things. Nonsense, on the other hand, opens up a glimpse of the infinite. It offers intoxicating freedom, brings one into contact with the essence of life and is a source of marvellous comedy.

There is no dramatic conflict in the absurd plays. Dramatic conflicts, clashes of personalities and powers belong to a world where a rigid, accepted hierarchy of values forms a permanent establishment. Such conflicts, however, lose their meaning in a situation where the establishment and outward reality have become meaningless. However frantically characters perform, this only underlines the fact that nothing happens to change their existence. Absurd dramas are lyrical statements, very much like music: they communicate an atmosphere, an experience of archetypal human situations. The Absurd Theatre is a theatre of situation, as against the more conventional theatre of sequential events. It presents a pattern of poetic images. In doing this, it uses visual elements, movement, light. Unlike conventional theatre, where language rules supreme, in the Absurd Theatre language is only one of many components of its multidimensional poetic imagery.

The Theatre of the Absurd is totally lyrical theatre which uses abstract scenic effects, many of which have been taken over and modified from the popular theatre arts: mime, ballet, acrobatics, conjuring, music-hall clowning. Much of its inspiration comes from silent film and comedy, as well as the tradition of verbal nonsense in early sound film (Laurel and Hardy, W C Fields, the Marx Brothers). It emphasises the importance of objects and visual experience: the role of language is relatively secondary. It owes a debt to European pre-war surrealism: its literary influences include the work of Franz Kafka. The Theatre of the Absurd is aiming to create a ritual-like, mythological, archetypal, allegorical vision, closely related to the world of dreams.

Some of the predecessors of absurd drama:

  • In the realm of verbal nonsense: François Rabelais, Lewis Carroll and Edward Lear. Many serious poets occasionally wrote nonsense poetry (Johnson, Charles Lamb, Keats, Hugo, Byron, Thomas Hood). One of the greatest masters of nonsense poetry was the German poet Christian Morgernstern (1871-1914). Ionesco found the work of S J Perelman (i.e. the dialogues of the Marx Brothers’ films) a great inspiration for his work.
  • The world of allegory, myth and dream: The tradition of the world as a stage and life as a dream goes back to Elizabethan times. Baroque allegorical drama shows the world in terms of mythological archetypes: John Webster, Cyril Tourneur, Calderon, Jakob Biederman. With the decline of allegory, the element of fantasy prevails (Swift, Hugh Walpole).
  • In some 18th and 19th Century works of literature we find sudden transformation of characters and nightmarish shifts of time and place (E T A Hoffman, Nerval, Aurevilly). Dreams are featured in many theatrical pieces, but it had to wait for Strindberg to produce the masterly transcriptions of dreams and obsessions that have become a direct source of the Absurd Theatre. Strindberg, Dostoyevsky, Joyce and Kafk
    a created archetypes: by delving into their own subconscious, they discovered the universal, collective significance of their own private obsessions. In the view of Mircea Eliade, myth has never completely disappeared on the level of individual experience. The Absurd Theatre sought to express the individual’s longing for a single myth of general validity. The above-mentioned authors anticipated this.

    Alfred Jarry is an important predecessor of the Absurd Theatre. His UBU ROI (1896) is a mythical figure, set amidst a world of grotesque archetypal images. Ubu Roi is a caricature, a terrifying image of the animal nature of man and his cruelty. (Ubu Roi makes himself King of Poland and kills and tortures all and sundry. The work is a puppet play and its décor of childish naivety underlines the horror.) Jarry expressed man’s psychological states by objectifying them on the stage. Similarly, Franz Kafka’s short stories and novels are meticulously exact descriptions of archetypal nightmares and obsessions in a world of convention and routine.

  • 20th Century European avant-garde: For the French avant-garde, myth and dream was of utmost importance: the surrealists based much of their artistic theory on the teachings of Freud and his emphasis on the role of the subconscious. The aim of the avant-garde was to do away with art as a mere imitation of appearances. Apollinaire demanded that art should be more real than reality and deal with essences rather than appearances. One of the more extreme manifestations of the avant-garde was the Dadaist movement, which took the desire to do away with obsolete artistic conventions to the extreme. Some Dadaist plays were written, but these were mostly nonsense poems in dialogue form, the aim of which was primarily to ‘shock the bourgeois audience’. After the First World War, German Expressionism attempted to project inner realities and to objectify thought and feeling. Some of Brecht’s plays are close to Absurd Drama, both in their clowning and their music-hall humour and the preoccupation with the problem of identity of the self and its fluidity. French surrealism acknowledged the subconscious mind as a great, positive healing force. However, its contribution to the sphere of drama was meagre: indeed it can be said that the Absurd Theatre of the 1950s and 1960s was a Belated practical realisation of the principles formulated by the Surrealists as early as the 1930s. In this connection, of particular importance were the theoretical writings of Antonin Artaud. Artaud fully rejected realism in the theatre, cherishing a vision of a stage of magical beauty and mythical power. He called for a return to myth and magic and to the exposure of the deepest conflicts within the human mind. He demanded a theatre that would produce collective archetypes, thus creating a new mythology. In his view, theatre should pursue the aspects of the internal world. Man should be considered metaphorically in a wordless language of shapes, light, movement and gesture. Theatre should aim at expressing what language is incapable of putting into words. Artaud forms a bridge between the inter-war avant-garde and the post-Second-World-War Theatre of the Absurd.

THE THEATRE OF THE ABSURD
THE WEST AND THE EAST
II. THE EAST

At the time when the first absurd plays were being written and staged in Western Europe in the late 1940s and early 1950s, people in the East European countries suddenly found themselves thrown into a world where absurdity was a integral part of everyday living. Suddenly, you did not need to be an abstract thinker in order to be able to reflect upon absurdity: the experience of absurdity became part and parcel of everybody’s existence.

Hitler’s attempt to conquer Russia during the Second World War gave Russia a unique opportunity to extend its sphere of influence and at the same time to ‘further the cause of [the Soviet brand of] socialism’. In the final years of the war, Stalin turned the war of the defeat of Nazism into the war of conquest of Central Europe and the war of the division of Europe. In pursuing Hitler’s retreating troops, the Russian Army managed to enter the territory of the Central European countries and to remain there, with very few exceptions, until now. The might of the Russian Army made it possible for Stalin to establish rigidly ideological pro-Soviet regimes, hermetically sealed from the rest of Europe. The Central European countries, whose pre-war political systems ranged from feudal monarchies (Rumania), semi-authoritarian states (Poland) through to a parliamentary Western-type democracy (Czechoslovakia) were now subjected to a militant Sovietisation. The countries were forced to undergo a major traumatic political and economic transformation.

The Western Theatre of the Absurd highlighted man’s fundamental bewilderment and confusion, stemming from the fact that man has no answers to the basic existential questions: why we are alive, why we have to die, why there is injustice and suffering. East European Soviet-type socialism proudly proclaimed that it had answers to all these questions and, moreover, that it was capable of eliminating suffering and setting all injustices right. To doubt this was subversive. Officially, it was sufficient to implement a grossly simplified formula of Marxism to all spheres of life and Paradise on Earth would ensue. It became clear very soon that this simplified formula offered even fewer real answers than various esoteric and complex Western philosophical systems and that its implementation by force brought enormous suffering.

From the beginning it was clear that the simplified idea was absurd: yet it was made to dominate all spheres of life. People were expected to shape their lives according to its dictates and to enjoy it. It was, and still is, an offence to be sceptical about Soviet-type socialism if you are a citizen of an East-European country. The sheer fact that the arbitrary formula of simplified Marxism was made to dominate the lives of millions of people, forcing them to behave against their own nature, brought the absurdity of the formula into sharp focus for these millions. Thus the Soviet-type system managed to bring the experience of what was initially a matter of concern for only a small number of sensitive individuals in the West to whole nations in the East.

This is not to say that the absurdity of life as experienced in the East differs in any way from the absurdity of life as it is experienced in the West. In both parts of the world it stems from the ambiguity of man’s position in the universe, from his fear of death and from his instinctive yearning for the Absolute. It is just that official East-European practices, based on a contempt for the fundamental existential questions and on a primitive and arrogant faith in the power of a simplified idea, have created a reality which makes absurdity a primary and deeply-felt, intrinsic experience for anybody who comes in contact with that reality.

To put it another way: the western Theatre of the Absurd may be seen as the expression of frustration and anger of a handful of intellectuals over the fact that people seem to lead uninspired, second-rate and stereotyped existences, either by deliberate choice or because they do not know any better and have no idea how or ability by which to help themselves. Although such anger may sound smug and condescending, it is really mixed with despair. And when we look at Eastern Europe, we realise that these intellectuals are justified in condemning lives of mediocrity, even though many people in the West seem to lead such lives quite happily and without any awareness of the absurdity. In Eastern Europe, second-rateness has been elevated to a single, sacred, governing principle. There, mediocrity rules with a rod of iron. Thus it can be seen clearly what it can achieve. As a result, unlike in the West, may peop
le in the East seem to have discovered that it is very uncomfortable to live under the command of second-rateness.

(The fact that mediocrity is harmful to life comes across so clearly in Eastern Europe either because East-European second-rateness is much harsher than the mild, West-European, consumerist mediocrity, or simply because it is a single, totalitarian second-rateness, obligatory for all. A single version of a simple creed cannot suit all, its insufficiencies immediately show. This is not the case if everybody is allowed to choose their own simplified models and prejudices which suit their individual needs, the way it is in the West – thus their insufficiencies are not immediately noticeable.)

The rise of the Theatre of the Absurd in the East is connected with the period of relative relaxation of the East European regimes after Stalin’s death. In the first decade after the communist take-over of power, it would have been impossible for anyone to write anything even distantly based on his experiences of life after the take-over without endangering his personal safety. The arts, as indeed all other spheres of life, were subject to rigid political control and reduced to serving blatant ideological and propagandistic aims. This was the period when feature films were made about happy workers in a steelworks, or about a village tractor driver who after falling in love with his tractor becomes a member of the communist party, etc. All the arts assumed rigidly conservative, 19th-Century realist forms, to which a strong political bias was added. 20th -Century developments, in particular the inter-war experiments with structure and form in painting and poetry were outlawed as bourgeois decadence.

In the years after Stalin’s death in 1953, the situation slowly improved. The year 1956 saw two major attempts at liberalisation within the Soviet Bloc: the Hungarian revolution was defeated, while the Polish autumn managed to introduce a measure of normalcy into the country which lasted for several years. Czechoslovakia did not see the first thaw until towards the end of the 1950s: genuine liberalisation did not start gaining momentum until 1962-63. Hence it was only in the 1960s that the first absurdist plays could be written and staged in Eastern Europe. Even so, the Theatre of the Absurd remained limited to only two East European countries, those that were the most liberal at the time: Poland and Czechoslovakia.

The East European Absurd Theatre was undoubtedly inspired by Western absurd drama, yet it differed from it considerably in form, meaning and impact. Although East European authors and theatre producers were quite well acquainted with many West-European absurd plays from the mid to late 1950s onwards, nevertheless (with very few exceptions) these plays were not performed or even translated in Eastern Europe until the mid-1960s. The reasons for this were several. First, West-European absurd drama was regarded by East-European officialdom as the epitome of West-European bourgeois capitalist decadence and, as a result, East European theatrical producers would be wary of trying to stage a condemned play – such an act would blight their career once and for all, ensuring that they would never work in theatre again. The western absurdist plays were regarded a nihilistic and anti-realistic, especially after Kenneth Tynan had attacked Ionesco as the apostle of anti-realism: this attach was frequently used by the East European officialdom for condemning Western absurd plays.

Secondly, after a decade or more of staple conservative realistic bias, there were fears among theatrical producers that the West European absurd plays might be regarded as far too avantgarde and esoteric by the general public. Thirdly, there was an atmosphere of relative optimism in Eastern Europe in the late 1950s and the 1960s. It was felt that although life under Stalin’s domination had been terrible, the bad times were now past after the dictator’s death and full liberalisation was only a matter of time. The injustices and deficiencies of the East European systems were seen as due to human frailty rather than being a perennial metaphysical condition: it was felt that sincere and concerted human effort was in the long run going to be able to put all wrongs right. In a way, this was a continuation of the simplistic Stalinist faith in man’s total power over his predicament. From this point of view, it was felt that most Western absurdist plays were too pessimistic, negative and destructive. It was argued (perhaps partially for official consumption) that the East European absurdist plays, unlike their Western counterparts, constituted constructive criticism.

The line of argument of reformist, pro-liberalisation Marxists in Czechoslovakia in the early 1960s ran as follows: The Western Theatre of the Absurd recorded the absurdity of human existence as an immutable condition. It was a by-product of the continuing disintegration of capitalism. Western absurd plays were irrelevant in Eastern Europe, since socialist society had already found all answers concerning man’s conduct and the meaning of life in general. Unlike its Western counterpart, East European absurd drama was communicating constructive criticism of the deformation of Marxism by the Stalinists. All that the East-European absurdist plays were trying to do was to remove minor blemishes on the face of the Marxist model – and that was easily done.

It was only later that some critics were able to point out that West European absurd dram was not in fact nihilistic and destructive and that it played the same constructive roles as East European drama attempted to play. At this stage, it was realised that the liberal Marxist analysis of East European absurd drama was incorrect: just as with its Western counterpart, the East European absurdist theatre could be seen as a comment on the human condition in general – hence its relevance also for the West.

On the few occasions that Western absurdist plays were actually staged in Eastern Europe, the East European audiences found the plays highly relevant. A production of Waiting for Godot in Poland in 1956 and in Slovakia in 1969, for instance, both became something nearing a political demonstration. Both the Polish and Slovak audiences stressed that for them, this was a play about hope – hope against hope.

The tremendous impact of these productions in Eastern Europe can be perhaps compared with the impact of Waiting for Godot on the inmates of a Californian penitentiary, when it was staged there in 1957. Like the inmates of a gaol, people in Eastern Europe are possibly also freer of the numbing concerns of everyday living than the average Western man in the street. Since they live under pressure, this somehow brings them closer to the bare essentials of life and they are therefore more receptive to the works that deal with archetypal existential situations than is the case with an ordinary Wes-European citizen.

On the whole, East European absurd drama has been far less abstract and esoteric than its West European counterpart. Moreover, while the West European drama is usually considered as having spent itself by the end of the 1960s, several East European authors have been writing highly original plays in the absurdisy mould, well into the 1970s.

The main difference between the West European and the East European plays is that while the West European plays deal with a predicament of an individual or a group of individuals in a situation stripped to the bare, and often fairly abstract and metaphysical essentials, the East European plays mostly show and individual trapped within the cogwheels of a social system. The social context of the West European absurd plays is usually subdued and theoretical: in the East European plays it is concrete, menacing and fairly realistic: it is usually covered by very transparent metaphors. The social context is shown as a kind of Catch-22 system – it is a set of circumstances whose joint impact cr
ushes the individual. The absurdity of the social system is highlighted and frequently shown as the result of the actions of stupid, misguided or evil people – this condemnation is of course merely implicit. Although the fundamental absurdity of the life feature in these plays is not intended to be metaphysically conditioned – these are primarily pieces of social satire – on reflection, the viewer will realise that there is fundamentally no difference between the ‘messages’ of the West European and the East European plays – except that the East European plays may be able to communicate these ideas more pressingly and more vividly to their audiences, because of their first-hand everyday experience of the absurdity that surrounds them.

At the end of the 1960s, the situation in Eastern Europe changed for the worse. After the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, it became apparent that Russia would not tolerate a fuller liberalisation of the East European countries. Czechoslovakia was thrown into a harsh, neo-Stalinist mould, entering the time capsule of stagnating immobility, in which it has remained ever since. Since it had been primarily artists and intellectuals that were spearheading the liberalising reforms of the 1960s, the arts were now subjected to a vicious purge. Many well-known artists and intellectuals were turned into non-persons practically overnight: some left or were later forced to lea the country.

All the Czechoslovak absurdist playwrights fell into the non-person category. It is perhaps quite convincing evidence of the social relevance of their plays that the establishment feared them so much it felt the need to outlaw them. Several of the banned authors have continued writing, regardless of the fact that their plays cannot be staged in Czechoslovakia at present. They have been published and produced in the West.

As in the 1960s, these authors are still deeply socially conscious: for instance, Václav Havel, in the words of Martin Esslin, ‘one of the most promising European playwrights of today’, is a courageous defender of basic human values and one of the most important (and most thoughtful) spokespersons of the non-establishment groupings in Czechoslovakia.

By contrast, the Polish absurdist playwrights have been able to continue working in Poland undisturbed since the early 1960s, their plays having been normally published and produced within the country even throughout he 1970s.

It is perhaps quite interesting that even the Western absurd dramatists have gradually developed a need to defend basic human values. They have been showing solidarity with their East European colleagues. Ionesco was always deeply distrustful of politics and the clichéd language of the political establishment. Harold Pinter, who took part in a radio production of one of Václav Havel’s plays from the 1970s several years ago, has frequently spoken in support of the East European writers and playwrights. Samuel Beckett has written a short play dedicated to Havel, which was staged in France in 1984 during a ceremony at the University of Toulouse, which awarded Havel an honorary doctorate.

©Dr Jan Culík, 2000

THE THEATRE OF THE ABSURD: THE WEST AND THE EAST

THE THEATRE OF THE ABSURD

THE WEST AND THE EAST

I. The West

‘The Theatre of the Absurd’ is a term coined by the critic Martin Esslin for the work of a number of playwrights, mostly written in the 1950s and 1960s. The term is derived from an essay by the French philosopher Albert Camus. In his ‘Myth of Sisyphus’, written in 1942, he first defined the human situation as basically meaningless and absurd. The ‘absurd’ plays by Samuel Beckett, Arthur Adamov, Eugene Ionesco, Jean Genet, Harold Pinter and others all share the view that man is inhabiting a universe with which he is out of key. Its meaning is indecipherable and his place within it is without purpose. He is bewildered, troubled and obscurely threatened.

The origins of the Theatre of the Absurd are rooted in the avant-garde experiments in art of the 1920s and 1930s. At the same time, it was undoubtedly strongly influenced by the traumatic experience of the horrors of the Second World War, which showed the total impermanence of any values, shook the validity of any conventions and highlighted the precariousness of human life and its fundamental meaninglessness and arbitrariness. The trauma of living from 1945 under threat of nuclear annihilation also seems to have been an important factor in the rise of the new theatre.

At the same time, the Theatre of the Absurd also seems to have been a reaction to the disappearance of the religious dimension form contemporary life. The Absurd Theatre can be seen as an attempt to restore the importance of myth and ritual to our age, by making man aware of the ultimate realities of his condition, by instilling in him again the lost sense of cosmic wonder and primeval anguish. The Absurd Theatre hopes to achieve this by shocking man out of an existence that has become trite, mechanical and complacent. It is felt that there is mystical experience in confronting the limits of human condition.

As a result, absurd plays assumed a highly unusual, innovative form, directly aiming to startle the viewer, shaking him out of this comfortable, conventional life of everyday concerns. In the meaningless and Godless post-Second-World-War world, it was no longer possible to keep using such traditional art forms and standards that had ceased being convincing and lost their validity. The Theatre of the Absurd openly rebelled against conventional theatre. Indeed, it was anti-theatre. It was surreal, illogical, conflictless and plotless. The dialogue seemed total gobbledygook. Not unexpectedly, the Theatre of the Absurd first met with incomprehension and rejection.

One of the most important aspects of absurd drama was its distrust of language as a means of communication. Language had become a vehicle of conventionalised, stereotyped, meaningless exchanges. Words failed to express the essence of human experience, not being able to penetrate beyond its surface. The Theatre of the Absurd constituted first and foremost an onslaught on language, showing it as a very unreliable and insufficient tool of communication. Absurd drama uses conventionalised speech, clichés, slogans and technical jargon, which is distorts, parodies and breaks down. By ridiculing conventionalised and stereotyped speech patterns, the Theatre of the Absurd tries to make people aware of the possibility of going beyond everyday speech conventions and communicating more authentically. Conventionalised speech acts as a barrier between ourselves and what the world is really about: in order to come into direct contact with natural reality, it is necessary to discredit and discard the false crutches of conventionalised language. Objects are much more important than language in absurd theatre: what happens transcends what is being said about it. It is the hidden, implied meaning of words that assume primary importance in absurd theatre, over an above what is being actually said. The Theatre of the Absurd strove to communicate an undissolved totality of perception – hence it had to go beyond language.

Absurd drama subverts logic. It relishes the unexpected and the logically impossible. According to Sigmund Freud, there is a feeling of freedom we can enjoy when we are able to abandon the straitjacket of logic. In trying to burst the bounds of logic and language the absurd theatre is trying to shatter the enclosing walls of the human condition itself. Our individual identity is defined by language, having a name is the source of our separateness – the loss of logical language brings us towards a unity with living things. In being illogical, the absurd theatre is anti-rationalist: it negates rationalism because it feels that rationalist thought, like language, only deals with the superficial aspects of things. Nonsense, on the other hand, opens up a glimpse of the infinite. It offers intoxicating freedom, brings one into contact with the essence of life and is a source of marvellous comedy.

There is no dramatic conflict in the absurd plays. Dramatic conflicts, clashes of personalities and powers belong to a world where a rigid, accepted hierarchy of values forms a permanent establishment. Such conflicts, however, lose their meaning in a situation where the establishment and outward reality have become meaningless. However frantically characters perform, this only underlines the fact that nothing happens to change their existence. Absurd dramas are lyrical statements, very much like music: they communicate an atmosphere, an experience of archetypal human situations. The Absurd Theatre is a theatre of situation, as against the more conventional theatre of sequential events. It presents a pattern of poetic images. In doing this, it uses visual elements, movement, light. Unlike conventional theatre, where language rules supreme, in the Absurd Theatre language is only one of many components of its multidimensional poetic imagery.

The Theatre of the Absurd is totally lyrical theatre which uses abstract scenic effects, many of which have been taken over and modified from the popular theatre arts: mime, ballet, acrobatics, conjuring, music-hall clowning. Much of its inspiration comes from silent film and comedy, as well as the tradition of verbal nonsense in early sound film (Laurel and Hardy, W C Fields, the Marx Brothers). It emphasises the importance of objects and visual experience: the role of language is relatively secondary. It owes a debt to European pre-war surrealism: its literary influences include the work of Franz Kafka. The Theatre of the Absurd is aiming to create a ritual-like, mythological, archetypal, allegorical vision, closely related to the world of dreams.

Some of the predecessors of absurd drama:

  • In the realm of verbal nonsense: François Rabelais, Lewis Carroll and Edward Lear. Many serious poets occasionally wrote nonsense poetry (Johnson, Charles Lamb, Keats, Hugo, Byron, Thomas Hood). One of the greatest masters of nonsense poetry was the German poet Christian Morgernstern (1871-1914). Ionesco found the work of S J Perelman (i.e. the dialogues of the Marx Brothers’ films) a great inspiration for his work.
  • The world of allegory, myth and dream: The tradition of the world as a stage and life as a dream goes back to Elizabethan times. Baroque allegorical drama shows the world in terms of mythological archetypes: John Webster, Cyril Tourneur, Calderon, Jakob Biederman. With the decline of allegory, the element of fantasy prevails (Swift, Hugh Walpole).
  • In some 18th and 19th Century works of literature we find sudden transformation of characters and nightmarish shifts of time and place (E T A Hoffman, Nerval, Aurevilly). Dreams are featured in many theatrical pieces, but it had to wait for Strindberg to produce the masterly transcriptions of dreams and obsessions that have become a direct source of the Absurd Theatre. Strindb
    erg, Dostoyevsky, Joyce and Kafka created archetypes: by delving into their own subconscious, they discovered the universal, collective significance of their own private obsessions. In the view of Mircea Eliade, myth has never completely disappeared on the level of individual experience. The Absurd Theatre sought to express the individual’s longing for a single myth of general validity. The above-mentioned authors anticipated this.

    Alfred Jarry is an important predecessor of the Absurd Theatre. His UBU ROI (1896) is a mythical figure, set amidst a world of grotesque archetypal images. Ubu Roi is a caricature, a terrifying image of the animal nature of man and his cruelty. (Ubu Roi makes himself King of Poland and kills and tortures all and sundry. The work is a puppet play and its décor of childish naivety underlines the horror.) Jarry expressed man’s psychological states by objectifying them on the stage. Similarly, Franz Kafka’s short stories and novels are meticulously exact descriptions of archetypal nightmares and obsessions in a world of convention and routine.

  • 20th Century European avant-garde: For the French avant-garde, myth and dream was of utmost importance: the surrealists based much of their artistic theory on the teachings of Freud and his emphasis on the role of the subconscious. The aim of the avant-garde was to do away with art as a mere imitation of appearances. Apollinaire demanded that art should be more real than reality and deal with essences rather than appearances. One of the more extreme manifestations of the avant-garde was the Dadaist movement, which took the desire to do away with obsolete artistic conventions to the extreme. Some Dadaist plays were written, but these were mostly nonsense poems in dialogue form, the aim of which was primarily to ‘shock the bourgeois audience’. After the First World War, German Expressionism attempted to project inner realities and to objectify thought and feeling. Some of Brecht’s plays are close to Absurd Drama, both in their clowning and their music-hall humour and the preoccupation with the problem of identity of the self and its fluidity. French surrealism acknowledged the subconscious mind as a great, positive healing force. However, its contribution to the sphere of drama was meagre: indeed it can be said that the Absurd Theatre of the 1950s and 1960s was a Belated practical realisation of the principles formulated by the Surrealists as early as the 1930s. In this connection, of particular importance were the theoretical writings of Antonin Artaud. Artaud fully rejected realism in the theatre, cherishing a vision of a stage of magical beauty and mythical power. He called for a return to myth and magic and to the exposure of the deepest conflicts within the human mind. He demanded a theatre that would produce collective archetypes, thus creating a new mythology. In his view, theatre should pursue the aspects of the internal world. Man should be considered metaphorically in a wordless language of shapes, light, movement and gesture. Theatre should aim at expressing what language is incapable of putting into words. Artaud forms a bridge between the inter-war avant-garde and the post-Second-World-War Theatre of the Absurd.

THE THEATRE OF THE ABSURD

THE WEST AND THE EAST

II. THE EAST

At the time when the first absurd plays were being written and staged in Western Europe in the late 1940s and early 1950s, people in the East European countries suddenly found themselves thrown into a world where absurdity was a integral part of everyday living. Suddenly, you did not need to be an abstract thinker in order to be able to reflect upon absurdity: the experience of absurdity became part and parcel of everybody’s existence.

Hitler’s attempt to conquer Russia during the Second World War gave Russia a unique opportunity to extend its sphere of influence and at the same time to ‘further the cause of [the Soviet brand of] socialism’. In the final years of the war, Stalin turned the war of the defeat of Nazism into the war of conquest of Central Europe and the war of the division of Europe. In pursuing Hitler’s retreating troops, the Russian Army managed to enter the territory of the Central European countries and to remain there, with very few exceptions, until now. The might of the Russian Army made it possible for Stalin to establish rigidly ideological pro-Soviet regimes, hermetically sealed from the rest of Europe. The Central European countries, whose pre-war political systems ranged from feudal monarchies (Rumania), semi-authoritarian states (Poland) through to a parliamentary Western-type democracy (Czechoslovakia) were now subjected to a militant Sovietisation. The countries were forced to undergo a major traumatic political and economic transformation.

The Western Theatre of the Absurd highlighted man’s fundamental bewilderment and confusion, stemming from the fact that man has no answers to the basic existential questions: why we are alive, why we have to die, why there is injustice and suffering. East European Soviet-type socialism proudly proclaimed that it had answers to all these questions and, moreover, that it was capable of eliminating suffering and setting all injustices right. To doubt this was subversive. Officially, it was sufficient to implement a grossly simplified formula of Marxism to all spheres of life and Paradise on Earth would ensue. It became clear very soon that this simplified formula offered even fewer real answers than various esoteric and complex Western philosophical systems and that its implementation by force brought enormous suffering.

From the beginning it was clear that the simplified idea was absurd: yet it was made to dominate all spheres of life. People were expected to shape their lives according to its dictates and to enjoy it. It was, and still is, an offence to be sceptical about Soviet-type socialism if you are a citizen of an East-European country. The sheer fact that the arbitrary formula of simplified Marxism was made to dominate the lives of millions of people, forcing them to behave against their own nature, brought the absurdity of the formula into sharp focus for these millions. Thus the Soviet-type system managed to bring the experience of what was initially a matter of concern for only a small number of sensitive individuals in the West to whole nations in the East.

This is not to say that the absurdity of life as experienced in the East differs in any way from the absurdity of life as it is experienced in the West. In both parts of the world it stems from the ambiguity of man’s position in the universe, from his fear of death and from his instinctive yearning for the Absolute. It is just that official East-European practices, based on a contempt for the fundamental existential questions and on a primitive and arrogant faith in the power of a simplified idea, have created a reality which makes absurdity a primary and deeply-felt, intrinsic experience for anybody who comes in contact with that reality.

To put it another way: the western Theatre of the Absurd may be seen as the expression of frustration and anger of a handful of intellectuals over the fact that people seem to lead uninspired, second-rate and stereotyped existences, either by deliberate choice or because they do not know any better and have no idea how or ability by which to help themselves. Although such anger may sound smug and condescending, it is really mixed with despair. And when we look at Eastern Europe, we realise that these intellectuals are justified in condemning lives of mediocrity, even though many people in the West seem to lead such lives quite happily and without any awareness of the absurdity. In Eastern Europe, second-rateness has been elevated to a single, sacred, governing principle. There, mediocrity rules with a rod of iron. Thus it can be
seen clearly what it can achieve. As a result, unlike in the West, may people in the East seem to have discovered that it is very uncomfortable to live under the command of second-rateness.

(The fact that mediocrity is harmful to life comes across so clearly in Eastern Europe either because East-European second-rateness is much harsher than the mild, West-European, consumerist mediocrity, or simply because it is a single, totalitarian second-rateness, obligatory for all. A single version of a simple creed cannot suit all, its insufficiencies immediately show. This is not the case if everybody is allowed to choose their own simplified models and prejudices which suit their individual needs, the way it is in the West – thus their insufficiencies are not immediately noticeable.)

The rise of the Theatre of the Absurd in the East is connected with the period of relative relaxation of the East European regimes after Stalin’s death. In the first decade after the communist take-over of power, it would have been impossible for anyone to write anything even distantly based on his experiences of life after the take-over without endangering his personal safety. The arts, as indeed all other spheres of life, were subject to rigid political control and reduced to serving blatant ideological and propagandistic aims. This was the period when feature films were made about happy workers in a steelworks, or about a village tractor driver who after falling in love with his tractor becomes a member of the communist party, etc. All the arts assumed rigidly conservative, 19th-Century realist forms, to which a strong political bias was added. 20th -Century developments, in particular the inter-war experiments with structure and form in painting and poetry were outlawed as bourgeois decadence.

In the years after Stalin’s death in 1953, the situation slowly improved. The year 1956 saw two major attempts at liberalisation within the Soviet Bloc: the Hungarian revolution was defeated, while the Polish autumn managed to introduce a measure of normalcy into the country which lasted for several years. Czechoslovakia did not see the first thaw until towards the end of the 1950s: genuine liberalisation did not start gaining momentum until 1962-63. Hence it was only in the 1960s that the first absurdist plays could be written and staged in Eastern Europe. Even so, the Theatre of the Absurd remained limited to only two East European countries, those that were the most liberal at the time: Poland and Czechoslovakia.

The East European Absurd Theatre was undoubtedly inspired by Western absurd drama, yet it differed from it considerably in form, meaning and impact. Although East European authors and theatre producers were quite well acquainted with many West-European absurd plays from the mid to late 1950s onwards, nevertheless (with very few exceptions) these plays were not performed or even translated in Eastern Europe until the mid-1960s. The reasons for this were several. First, West-European absurd drama was regarded by East-European officialdom as the epitome of West-European bourgeois capitalist decadence and, as a result, East European theatrical producers would be wary of trying to stage a condemned play – such an act would blight their career once and for all, ensuring that they would never work in theatre again. The western absurdist plays were regarded a nihilistic and anti-realistic, especially after Kenneth Tynan had attacked Ionesco as the apostle of anti-realism: this attach was frequently used by the East European officialdom for condemning Western absurd plays.

Secondly, after a decade or more of staple conservative realistic bias, there were fears among theatrical producers that the West European absurd plays might be regarded as far too avantgarde and esoteric by the general public. Thirdly, there was an atmosphere of relative optimism in Eastern Europe in the late 1950s and the 1960s. It was felt that although life under Stalin’s domination had been terrible, the bad times were now past after the dictator’s death and full liberalisation was only a matter of time. The injustices and deficiencies of the East European systems were seen as due to human frailty rather than being a perennial metaphysical condition: it was felt that sincere and concerted human effort was in the long run going to be able to put all wrongs right. In a way, this was a continuation of the simplistic Stalinist faith in man’s total power over his predicament. From this point of view, it was felt that most Western absurdist plays were too pessimistic, negative and destructive. It was argued (perhaps partially for official consumption) that the East European absurdist plays, unlike their Western counterparts, constituted constructive criticism.

The line of argument of reformist, pro-liberalisation Marxists in Czechoslovakia in the early 1960s ran as follows: The Western Theatre of the Absurd recorded the absurdity of human existence as an immutable condition. It was a by-product of the continuing disintegration of capitalism. Western absurd plays were irrelevant in Eastern Europe, since socialist society had already found all answers concerning man’s conduct and the meaning of life in general. Unlike its Western counterpart, East European absurd drama was communicating constructive criticism of the deformation of Marxism by the Stalinists. All that the East-European absurdist plays were trying to do was to remove minor blemishes on the face of the Marxist model – and that was easily done.

It was only later that some critics were able to point out that West European absurd dram was not in fact nihilistic and destructive and that it played the same constructive roles as East European drama attempted to play. At this stage, it was realised that the liberal Marxist analysis of East European absurd drama was incorrect: just as with its Western counterpart, the East European absurdist theatre could be seen as a comment on the human condition in general – hence its relevance also for the West.

On the few occasions that Western absurdist plays were actually staged in Eastern Europe, the East European audiences found the plays highly relevant. A production of Waiting for Godot in Poland in 1956 and in Slovakia in 1969, for instance, both became something nearing a political demonstration. Both the Polish and Slovak audiences stressed that for them, this was a play about hope – hope against hope.

The tremendous impact of these productions in Eastern Europe can be perhaps compared with the impact of Waiting for Godot on the inmates of a Californian penitentiary, when it was staged there in 1957. Like the inmates of a gaol, people in Eastern Europe are possibly also freer of the numbing concerns of everyday living than the average Western man in the street. Since they live under pressure, this somehow brings them closer to the bare essentials of life and they are therefore more receptive to the works that deal with archetypal existential situations than is the case with an ordinary Wes-European citizen.

On the whole, East European absurd drama has been far less abstract and esoteric than its West European counterpart. Moreover, while the West European drama is usually considered as having spent itself by the end of the 1960s, several East European authors have been writing highly original plays in the absurdisy mould, well into the 1970s.

The main difference between the West European and the East European plays is that while the West European plays deal with a predicament of an individual or a group of individuals in a situation stripped to the bare, and often fairly abstract and metaphysical essentials, the East European plays mostly show and individual trapped within the cogwheels of a social system. The social context of the West European absurd plays is usually subdued and theoretical: in the East European plays it is concrete, menacing and fairly
realistic: it is usually covered by very transparent metaphors. The social context is shown as a kind of Catch-22 system – it is a set of circumstances whose joint impact crushes the individual. The absurdity of the social system is highlighted and frequently shown as the result of the actions of stupid, misguided or evil people – this condemnation is of course merely implicit. Although the fundamental absurdity of the life feature in these plays is not intended to be metaphysically conditioned – these are primarily pieces of social satire – on reflection, the viewer will realise that there is fundamentally no difference between the ‘messages’ of the West European and the East European plays – except that the East European plays may be able to communicate these ideas more pressingly and more vividly to their audiences, because of their first-hand everyday experience of the absurdity that surrounds them.

At the end of the 1960s, the situation in Eastern Europe changed for the worse. After the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, it became apparent that Russia would not tolerate a fuller liberalisation of the East European countries. Czechoslovakia was thrown into a harsh, neo-Stalinist mould, entering the time capsule of stagnating immobility, in which it has remained ever since. Since it had been primarily artists and intellectuals that were spearheading the liberalising reforms of the 1960s, the arts were now subjected to a vicious purge. Many well-known artists and intellectuals were turned into non-persons practically overnight: some left or were later forced to lea the country.

All the Czechoslovak absurdist playwrights fell into the non-person category. It is perhaps quite convincing evidence of the social relevance of their plays that the establishment feared them so much it felt the need to outlaw them. Several of the banned authors have continued writing, regardless of the fact that their plays cannot be staged in Czechoslovakia at present. They have been published and produced in the West.

As in the 1960s, these authors are still deeply socially conscious: for instance, Václav Havel, in the words of Martin Esslin, ‘one of the most promising European playwrights of today’, is a courageous defender of basic human values and one of the most important (and most thoughtful) spokespersons of the non-establishment groupings in Czechoslovakia.

By contrast, the Polish absurdist playwrights have been able to continue working in Poland undisturbed since the early 1960s, their plays having been normally published and produced within the country even throughout he 1970s.

It is perhaps quite interesting that even the Western absurd dramatists have gradually developed a need to defend basic human values. They have been showing solidarity with their East European colleagues. Ionesco was always deeply distrustful of politics and the clichéd language of the political establishment. Harold Pinter, who took part in a radio production of one of Václav Havel’s plays from the 1970s several years ago, has frequently spoken in support of the East European writers and playwrights. Samuel Beckett has written a short play dedicated to Havel, which was staged in France in 1984 during a ceremony at the University of Toulouse, which awarded Havel an honorary doctorate.

©Dr Jan Culík, 2000

SOPHOCLES (C. 497 – 406 B.C.)

SOPHOCLES (C. 497 – 406 B.C.)

The following biography was originally published in The Tragic Drama of the Greeks. A.E. Haigh. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1896. pp. 126-37.

SOPHOCLES was born in the autumn of 497 [B.C.], twenty-eight years after Aeschylus. His father Sophillus, though not of aristocratic descent, was a rich man, his wealth being derived from the ownership of slaves employed in various manufactures. The deme to which the family belonged was Colonus, a village to the north-west of Athens, and about a mile distant from the city. It was here that Sophocles passed his boyhood; and the affection with which he always continued to regard his early home finds beautiful expression in the Oedipus Coloneus, the latest of his tragedies, in which he dwells with tender recollection upon the charms of that “white Colonus,” where the nightingale ever sings in the green glades amid the ivy and the vine, where the narcissus and the golden crocus bloom, and where the sleepless fountains of Cephisus wander over the swelling bosom of the land.

He was educated with great care, according to the old Greek system, in which music, dancing, and gymnastics training played an important part. His instructor was Lamprus, a celebrated musician of the period, and a supporter of the antique and dignified style of music, as opposed to the more florid manner which was then being introduced. In these various exercises Sophocles displayed his pre-eminence from the very first; and the beauty of his form and his skill in dancing and in music were so conspicuous, that when, after the defeat of the Persians, a chorus of boys was chosen to sing a paean round the trophy of victory, he was selected to lead the chorus, and to play the accompaniment on the harp.

Tradition says that he “learnt tragedy from Aeschylus”; but as there is no trace of any personal relationship between the two poets, it is probable that the phrase refers merely to that general influence which Aeschylus would naturally exert over his successors. Nothing further is known about the life of Sophocles till the occasion of his first appearance as a tragic poet in 468 [B.C.]. He was then twenty-eight years of age, and Aeschylus, now in the height of his reputation, was one of his competitors. According to the usual story, the contest which ensued was a remarkable one. It is said that the excitement and partisanship among the audience reached such a pitch of violence that Apsephion, the archon, instead of appointing the judges by lot in the usual manner, ordered the ten generals, one of whom was Cimon, to act as jury in their place, and that they awarded the prize to Sophocles. As to the victory of Sophocles there is no doubt. But the circumstances by which it is said to have been attended are so full of inherent improbability, that it is difficult to regard them as anything but fiction, invented by later biographers, in order to give point and significance to the first encounter between two great poets.

After his victory in 468 the career of Sophocles as a tragic poet was one of continuous success. He retained his productive powers in full perfection long beyond the span usually allotted to mankind, and continued for about sixty years to write and produce tragedies in which no signs of failing genius could be detected. Like Aeschylus he appears to have exhibited, on average, every alternate year, and was generally first in the competitions, winning eighteen victories at the City Dionysia, besides several other victories at the less important Lenaea. Even when he failed to obtain the first prize, he was never placed lower than second on the list. The most surprising of his defeats was that by Philocles, on the occasion of his production of the Oedipus Tyrannus. But it is possible that in this contest Philocles was competing, not with his own tragedies, but with those of his uncle Aeschylus; and in this case the failure of Sophocles would be less inexplicable. The total number of his plays is given variously by the ancient authorities as 104, 123, and 130. The first of these numbers, however, appears to be too small, since the titles of more than 110 dramas have been preserved even to the present day.

Few poets have lived through a more eventful period of history than Sophocles. His career coincided almost exactly with the rise, the maturity, and the downfall of the Athenian Empire. As a boy he was present at the rejoicings for the great victories of Salamis and Plataea, and witnessed the subsequent expansion of his country’s power. His manhood was passed during that golden age of Attic history, the age of Pericles, in which Athens reached the summit of her glory and influence. Yet he lived long enough after this to behold the miserable collapse of the Sicilian expedition, and the wreck of Athenian aspirations; and his death occurred only a few months before the final catastrophe of Aegospotami.

In many of the events of this great period he took a personal share, though at the same time, as his friend Ion of Chios confesses, he showed no particular aptitude for political life. Yet he was twice elected general — the highest office which an Athenian could hold. The first occasion was in 440, when he was sent along with Pericles to suppress the revolt in Samos, and was laughingly rebuked by the latter for his apparent carelessness in the discharge of his duties. At a later period he again served as general with Nicias, but though first in point of seniority, was content to occupy a subordinate position, remarking that, if he was oldest in years, Nicias was oldest in experience. In addition to his military commands he was also appointed treasurer of the tribute in 436, and acted as ambassador on several occasions. Possibly he may have held other offices of which no record has been preserved. But the supposition that he was the Sophocles who served on the Committee of Ten, and took part in the establishment of the Four Hundred, is more than doubtful.

In spite, however, of his connection with public affairs, there is no trace of the statesman in the writings of Sophocles; and the serene idealism of his tragedy is never ruffled by the intrusion of contemporary politics. It would be impossible, in any of his extant dramas, to point to a single passage which can be regarded as a direct allusion to passing events. The maxims concerning government which he occasionally enunciates are of the most general description. Hence it is vain to discuss the question of his political opinions, or to endeavour to ascertain whether he welcomed or regretted the great movements of the time, such as the growth of the democracy, and the imperial policy of Pericles. Even if he held decided views on these subjects, there are now no means of discovering them.

Besides the offices already mentioned, Sophocles also appears to have discharged certain priestly functions in connection with the worship of Asclepius; and the paean which he composed in honour of this deity was very famous in antiquity, and continued to be sung at Athens as late as the third century A.D. He was also priest of Alcon, the Attic hero, and companion of Asclepiu
s; and after his death a statue of Alcon was erected by one of his sons. Whence it is a plausible conjecture that this worship of Alcon and Asclepius was an old hereditary cultus in the family.

The reverence with which he treated the traditional religion of the Greeks is proved, not only by the above facts, but also by the general tenor of his dramas; and the scholiast discribes him as “the most god-fearing of mankind.” Popular superstition loved to regard him as a special favourite of heaven, and to invest his life and character with a sort of religious glamour. He was supposed to have “entertained” Asclepius in his own house — a supposition which may perhaps have arisen from some passage in the paean, in which with a poet’s fancy he represented the god as appearing visibly before him. However this may be, after his death the Athenians worshipped him as a hero, under the title of “The Entertainer,” and built a shrine in his honour, where they offered yearly sacrifices. They also ascribed to him the power of charming baneful winds into stillness, and told several stories of his close connection with the gods. Thus when a golden crown had been stolen from the temple of Hercules, the place of its concealment was revealed to him in a vision. And when he died, and the Athenians were unable to bury him in his ancestral tomb outside the city, because of the presence of the Spartan army, [according to legend] the god Dionysus appeared in person to Lysander, and charged him to give permission for the burial.

Sophocles was married to a wife named Nicostrata, by whom he became the father of Iophon. Somewhat late in life he formed a connection with a certain Theoris, a woman of Sicyon, by whom he had a son called Ariston. Three other sons are mentioned by name, but nothing is known about them. It is also said that in extreme old age he fell into the clutches of the courtesan Archippe, whom he made heiress of his property; but this statement, which depends on very dubious authority, is discredited by the fact that it was not permissible in law for an Athenian to disinherit his children.

No incident in the career of Sophocles is more widely celebrated than the charge supposed to have been brought against him in his old age by his son Iophon. It is said that Iophon was jealous of the favour which he showed towards his illegitimate offspring, and accused him of mental incapacity, in order to get the administration of his property taken out of his hands. Sophocles, to prove his sanity, proceeded to recite a portion of the Oedipus Coloneus, which he had recently composed. The jury, struck with admiration, acquitted him on the spot.

This story is so striking and picturesque, that everyone would wish to believe in its authenticity. But the evidence against it is too strong to be resisted. In the first place there is considerable discrepancy as to the nature of the charge. According to some accounts it was merely an informal complaint before the “clansmen”; according to others it was a regular prosecution in the law courts. Then again, the testimony of contemporary authors is inconsistent with the supposition that the last years of Sophocles were clouded by legal disputes with his son Iophon. Phrynicus, the comic poet, describes him as a “fortunate man, who died happily, after encountering no evil”; and Aristophanes tells us that he continued, as long as he lived, to assist his son Iophon in the composition of his tragedies. Moreover Iophon, in the inscription which he placed upon his father’s tomb, mentioned as one of his greatest achievements the fact that he had written the Oedipus Coloneus when he was nearly a hundred years old. But if the story of the prosecution were true, he would hardly have gone out of his way, in writing his father’s epitaph, to refer to that identical tragedy by which his charge had been refuted.

The whole narrative, therefore, is apparently devoid of foundation. Some critics suggest that it was derived from a scene in an old comedy, in which Sophocles and his son were exhibited in contention. Perhaps, however, the key to its origin may be found in that passage of the Life, which states that Sophocles, in one of his dramas, introduced Iophon accusing him of madness before the clansmen. It is possible that this drama was the Oedipus Coloneus, and that the violent scene between Polyneices and Oedipus was taken by some ancient grammarian to represent the relationship between Sophocles and his own son, and so gave rise to the story about the trial. If this was the origin of the fiction, it would account for the manner in which the Oedipus Coloneus is invariably mixed up with it. At first sight the above explanation may appear far-fetched and improbable; but it is not inconsistent with the practice of the ancient biographers, as [one may] see … in the case of Euripides, the story of whose career has been diversified in more than one place by incidents derived from his own tragedies.

As the poet Phrynicus truly observed, Sophocles was one of the most fortunate of mankind, not only on account of his poetic fame, but also because of the serene prosperity of his life. He is described as a man of tranquil and contented temperament; and the well-known story in Plato represents him as rejoicing in his old age at having escaped from the tyranny of sensual passions. The same calmness of disposition rendered him averse to change, and he never left Athens, though frequently invited to do so by foreign princes. The generosity of his mind, and his freedom from all petty feelings of jealousy, are exemplified in the Frogs, where he concedes the supremacy of Aeschylus without a murmur. As to his relations with Euripides very little is known. Several anecdotes, mostly of a puerile nature, were retailed by later writers, implying the existence of a certain mean rivalry between the two poets. But these stories possess no historical value; and the admiration which he felt for the genius of Euripides was manifested, after the latter’s death, by his appearing in the theatre, along with his actors and chorus, in the garb of mourning.

Owing to the charm of his character he was universally beloved. In society, as Ion of Chios relates, he was always witty and agreeable; and the friendliness of his disposition caused him to found a sort of literary club at Athens. An interesting picture of his manners in ordinary life has been preserved in an extract from the Memoirs of Ion. The passage contains an account of a banquet held in Chios, at which Sophocles was present; and describes, among other things, a literary discussion with a certain schoolmaster, who had objected to the propriety of the epithet “purple,” as applied to cheeks; and whom Sophocles playfully refuted by quoting the analogy of phrases such as “golden-haired” and “rosy-fingered,” which would appear equally unsuitable if taken in too literal a sense.

Sophocles died in the autumn of 406, when more than ninety years of age. All that is known concerning the manner of his death is the statement of his contemporary Phrynicus, that he was “fortunate in death, as he had been fortunate in life.” The inventiveness of later ages produced various anecdotes on the subject. Some said he was choked by eating grapes sent him by the actor Callippides at the time of the Anthesteria; others said that, when reading Antigone aloud, he killed himself by trying to deliver a long sentence without taking a
breath; others again ascribed his death to excessive joy at the success of his Antigone in competition. But these stories hardly need refutation. He was buried, as already stated, in the family tomb on the way to Deceleia, about a mile from Athens, and over his tomb the figure of a siren was erected.

Two portraits of Sophocles are known to have existed in ancient times — the painting in the Stoa, in which he was represented as playing the harp, and which was probably the work of the fifth century; and the bronze statue erected in the theatre towards the close of the fourth. In modern times several busts have been discovered, and also a splendid marble statue. The statue is said by experts to exhibit the characteristics of the age of Alexander the Great, and may possibly be an original work of that period, or may be copied from the bronze likeness in the theatre. It is a magnificent work of art, and though somewhat idealized, after the fashion of the time, probably represents the features of the poet with general fidelity. The beauty of the face and figure, the graceful dignity of the posture, and the serene yet masterful character of the expression, correspond exactly with what we should expect to find in a likeness of Sophocles.

The following essay was originally published in Minute History of the Drama. Alice B. Fort & Herbert S. Kates. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1935. p. 16.

Of the plays [of Sophocles] presented at contests only the seven selected for study and general reading of the ancient schools survive. The Oedipus Rex (or Tyrannus) is a supreme example of unconscious irony and is regarded as the perfection of Greek tragedy. Oedipus at Colonus (his last tragedy), Electra, and Antigone, also rate high and were most popular on the Attic stage. The remaining three–Ajax, Trachiniae, and Philoctetes–are good but not so well known.

Sophocles’ greatness as a dramatic writer consisted not so much in his inventiveness as in his development and rounding out of the dramatic form brought into being by Thespis and Aeschylus. He added the third actor and thus pronounced the doom of the chorus as an element of prime importance in Greek tragedy.

In the works of Aeschylus, the moralist often overshadows the dramatist; in those of Sophocles, dramatic interest always holds first place. His plays are outstanding for their smoothness of plot, the nobility of the characters and the graceful charm of the lyrics. In a sense they might be said to mirror the serenity of the poet’s own life. He had a tranquil and contented temperament and a generous spirit free from petty jealousies. He was witty, agreeable, and fond of people and his mind was keen and active right up to the time of his death at the age of 91.

SOPHOCLES RESOURCES

Theatre and Film

theatre
the·a·ter or the·a·tre (thēə-tər) pronunciation
n.

  1. A building, room, or outdoor structure for the presentation of plays, films, or other dramatic performances.
  2. A room with tiers of seats used for lectures or demonstrations: an operating theater at a medical school.
    1. Dramatic literature or its performance; drama: the theater of Shakespeare and Marlowe.
    2. The milieu of actors and playwrights.
    1. The quality or effectiveness of a theatrical production: good theater; awful theater.
    2. Dramatic material or the use of such material: “His summation was a great piece of courtroom theater” (Ron Rosenbaum).
  3. The audience assembled for a dramatic performance.
  4. A place that is the setting for dramatic events.
  5. A large geographic area in which military operations are coordinated: the European theater during World War II.

[Middle English theatre, from Old French, from Latin theātrum, from Greek theātron, from theāsthai, to watch, from theā, a viewing.]

WORD HISTORY Theories about the development of the theater in the West generally begin with Greek drama; this is etymologically appropriate as well as historically correct, since the words theory and theater are related through their Greek sources. The Greek ancestor of theater is theātron, “a place for seeing, especially for dramatic representation, theater.” Theātron is derived from the verb theāsthai, “to gaze at, contemplate, view as spectators, especially in the theater,” from theā, “a viewing.” The Greek ancestor of theory is theōriā, which meant among other things “the sending of theōroi (state ambassadors sent to consult oracles or attend games),” “the act of being a spectator at the theater or games,” “viewing,” “contemplation by the mind,” and “theory or speculation.” The source of theōriā is theōros, “an envoy sent to consult an oracle, spectator,” a compound of theā, “viewing,” and –oros, “seeing.” It is thus fitting to elaborate theories about culture while seeing a play in a theater.

Architechture

Building or space in which performances are given before an audience. It contains an auditorium and stage. In ancient Greece, where Western theatre began (5th century BC), theatres were constructed in natural hollows between hills. The audience sat in a tiered semicircle facing the orchestra, a flat circular space where the action took place. Behind the orchestra was the skene. The theatres of Elizabethan England were open to the sky, with the audience looking on from tiered galleries or a courtyard. During this period the main innovation was the rectangular thrust stage, surrounded on three sides by spectators. The first permanent indoor theatre was Andrea Palladio‘s Olimpico Theatre in Vicenza, Italy (1585). The Farnese Theatre in Parma (1618) was designed with a horseshoe-shaped auditorium and the first permanent proscenium arch. Baroque European court theatres followed this arrangement, elaborating on the interior with tiered boxes for royalty. Richard Wagner‘s Festspielhaus in Bayreuth, Ger. (1876), with its fan-shaped seating plan, deep orchestra pit, and darkened auditorium, departed from the Baroque stratified auditorium and reintroduced Classical principles that are still in use. The proscenium theatre prevailed in the 17th–20th centuries; though still popular in the 20th century, it was supplemented by other types of theatre, such as the thrust stage and theatre-in-the-round. In Asia, stage arrangements have remained simple, with the audience usually grouped informally around an open space; notable exceptions are the no drama and kabuki of Japan. See also amphitheatre; odeum.

Film and Theatre

Live performance of dramatic actions in order to tell a story or create a spectacle. The word derives from the Greek theatron (“place of seeing”). Theatre is one of the oldest and most important art forms in cultures worldwide. While the script is the basic element of theatrical performance, it also relies in varying degrees on acting, singing, and dancing, as well as on technical aspects of production such as stage design. Theatre is thought to have its earliest origins in religious ritual; it often enacts myths or stories central to the belief structure of a culture or creates comedy through travesty of such narratives. In Western civilization, theatre began in ancient Greece and was adapted in Roman times; it was revived in the medieval liturgical dramas and flourished in the Renaissance with the Italian commedia dell’arte and in the 17th–18th centuries with established companies such as the Comédie-Française. Varying theatrical forms may evolve to suit the tastes of different audiences (e.g., in Japan, the kabuki of the townspeople and the no theatre of the court). In Europe and the U.S. in th
e 19th and early 20th centuries theatre was a major source of entertainment for all social classes, with forms ranging from burlesque shows and vaudeville to serious dramas performed in the style of the Moscow Art Theatre. Though the musicals of Broadway and the farces of London’s West End retain their popular appeal, the rise of television and movies has eroded audiences for live theatre and has tended to limit its spectators to an educated elite. See also little theatre.